Yemen War Background
How did the Yemen war start?
Yemen’s political instability began after a 2011 Arab Spring uprising that
What was Saudi Arabia’s motivation to wage war in Yemen?
What is the U.S. role in this conflict?
Why has the United States historically supported the Saudis?
Is there more than one war in Yemen?
The United States has conducted 376 drone strikes in Yemen, which have killed between 125 and 151 civilians.
About the Saudi Blockade
How does Saudi Arabia’s blockade of Yemen contribute to the humanitarian crisis there?
What has been the humanitarian impact of Saudi Arabia’s air blockade of Yemen’s Sana’a airport?
What is the impact of the Saudi blockade on fuel imports?
Without fuel, food and medicine can’t be transported throughout the country, jeopardizing the health of millions of Yemenis. Fuel shortages also prevent hospitals from operating at full capacity. World Food Program Director David Beasley pleaded to the UN Security Council last year that the “blockade must be lifted, as a humanitarian act. Otherwise, millions more will spiral into crisis.”
Is the Saudi blockade of Yemen’s ports needed to prevent Iranian weapons from reaching the Houthis?
What has the Biden administration said about the blockade?
UN World Food Program director David Beasley has repeatedly spoken about the urgent need to lift the blockade.
Who has spoken out about the blockade?
About the Houthis and Iran
Who are the Houthis?
The Houthi movement, otherwise known as Ansar Allah (which translates to Supporters of God), primarily belongs to the Zaydi sect of Shia Islam. The Houthi political movement emerged in the early 1990s as the “Believing Youth” in Saada and was led by Hussein Al-Houthi. The main objective of the movement was to revive Zaydi Islam in the face of the perceived spread of Saudi-exported Wahabi ideology in Yemen.
In early 2004, the Houthis, who opposed the U.S. war in Iraq in 2003 and condemned Saleh’s alliance with the United States, became an armed movement and proceeded to fight six wars against the Saudi-backed Saleh government in Yemen. Surprisingly, in 2014, the Houthis formed an alliance with former president Saleh after he was removed from office. Together, they seized the capital Sana’a and put President Hadi under house arrest in January 2015.
Pasukan Houthi telah melakukan pelanggaran hak asasi manusia yang mengerikan sepanjang perang, termasuk menembakkan artileri tanpa pandang bulu ke kota-kota seperti Taizz, membunuh dan melukai warga sipil, dan meluncurkan rudal balistik tanpa pandang bulu ke Arab Saudi. Tidak banyak data atau jajak pendapat yang dapat diandalkan mengenai popularitas Houthi di kalangan penduduk Yaman yang dikuasainya.
Haven’t the Houthis also committed human rights violations?
What is Iran’s involvement in the Yemen war?
While it is true that Iran has provided weapons and training to the Houthis each year, Iran’s support is often exaggerated. Iran spends far less than the hundreds of billions of dollars Saudi Arabia spends annually backing Hadi forces. A significant portion of Houthi weaponry has been generated locally by defeating Saudi-backed forces, looting army stockpiles, taking weapons from militia tribes, and purchasing on the black market.
Kebijakan Arab Saudi tidak memiliki prospek untuk mencapai tujuan yang telah ditetapkan dan justru menciptakan bencana kemanusiaan.
Seven years of indiscriminate airstrikes and an air and sea blockade on Yemen, as well as Saudi Arabia’s attempts to isolate the Houthis and avoid good-faith diplomacy, have only emboldened the Houthis and increased their domestic popularity. The Houthis now govern territory with over 80% of the country’s population and are closer to Iran now than before the war. Saudi Arabia’s policy has no prospect of achieving its stated objectives and is creating a humanitarian catastrophe through its collective punishment of Yemen.
Do Houthi cross-border attacks on targets on Saudi Arabia constitute a legitimate reason for continued U.S. support for the Saudi-led coalition?
Over the course of the Yemen war, the Houthis have conducted drone and missile attacks against Saudi Arabia, which have been condemned by the United States and the international community. These cross-border attacks are often cited as a reason the United States must continue to send military support to Saudi Arabia.
However, if the Saudis were to end their bombardment and blockade of Yemen, the Houthis would have no incentive to risk provoking their powerful neighbor into further attacks. If the Saudis ended their military aggression towards Yemen, the Houthis would be unlikely to conduct additional cross-border attacks.
The best way to protect the Saudis from Houthi missiles is to end Saudi involvement in Yemen.
The best way to protect the Saudis from Houthi missiles is to end Saudi involvement in Yemen. The rate and intensity of Houthi attacks have only increased over time as the Houthis have gained strength and the Saudis have tightened the blockade, demonstrating the failure of the Saudi approach.
Continued U.S. support for Saudi aggression will neither weaken the Houthis nor bring the war to a quicker end. Instead, the United States and Saudi Arabia must demonstrate their commitment to diplomacy, international law, and human rights by lifting the blockade and ending the aerial bombardment of Yemen.
Would labeling the Houthis a Foreign Terrorist Organization (FTO) affect humanitarian access and the peace process in Yemen?
Yes. While the Houthis share much blame, alongside the Saudi/UAE-led coalition, for horrific human rights violations in Yemen, an FTO designation would do nothing to address these concerns. It would, however, prevent the delivery of critical humanitarian assistance to millions of innocent people, greatly hurt the prospects for a negotiated settlement to the conflict, and further undermine U.S. national security interests in the region.
Rather than being a catalyst for peace, FTO designations are a recipe for more conflict and famine, while unnecessarily further undermining U.S. diplomatic credibility. It is more likely that these designations will convince the Houthis that their goals cannot be achieved at the negotiating table.
Moreover, commercial shippers are already reluctant to import to Yemen given the high risk of delays, costs, and risks of violence. An FTO designation on the Houthis would only increase this level of risk for commercial entities and further place the vital work of humanitarian and peacebuilders at risk.
Bahkan jika pengecualian karena alasan kemanusiaan diperbolehkan, lembaga keuangan, perusahaan pelayaran, dan perusahaan asuransi, serta organisasi bantuan, kemungkinan besar akan menganggap risiko potensi pelanggaran terlalu tinggi. Akibatnya, entitas-entitas ini akan secara dramatis mengurangi atau bahkan mengakhiri keterlibatan mereka di Yaman – sebuah keputusan yang akan mempunyai konsekuensi kemanusiaan yang sangat parah.
About Congressional Action
What can Congress and the administration do to bring about an end to the blockade?
Sebagai prioritas utama kebijakan luar negeri, pemerintahan Biden harus menggunakan pengaruhnya yang besar untuk mendorong Arab Saudi agar segera dan tanpa syarat mencabut blokade dan mencapai gencatan senjata nasional untuk mengakhiri konflik. Anggota Kongres harus terus menyerukan kepada pemerintah untuk melakukan hal tersebut sambil berupaya untuk meloloskan Resolusi Kekuatan Perang Yaman yang baru yang melarang segala bentuk dukungan AS terhadap blokade dan operasi ofensif lainnya dari koalisi pimpinan Arab Saudi di Yaman.
How has the 117th Congress attempted to end U.S. complicity in the Saudi-led war on Yemen?
Ada dua pemungutan suara penting di Kongres mengenai Yaman pada tahun 2021.
There were two key congressional votes on Yemen in 2021.
Have past congressional efforts to end U.S. complicity in the war had a tangible impact on the humanitarian situation and peace talks?
What is the War Powers Resolution?
The President must get a declaration of war or specific authorization from Congress before sending troops overseas unless the United States or its armed forces are attacked.
If the President initiates hostilities, these can only last 60 days and must then be terminated unless Congress authorizes their continuation.
If there is no declaration of war or specific statutory authorization passed within 60 days, Congress can require the president to end U.S. participation in hostilities at any time
Setiap anggota DPR atau Senat, terlepas dari penugasan komite, dapat menggunakan pasal 5(c) dari Resolusi Kekuatan Perang dan mendapatkan suara penuh mengenai apakah akan meminta presiden untuk menarik angkatan bersenjata AS dari permusuhan. Berdasarkan aturan prosedural yang tertulis dalam War Powers Act, rancangan undang-undang ini menerima status khusus yang dipercepat yang mengharuskan Kongres untuk melakukan pemungutan suara penuh dalam waktu 15 hari legislatif sejak diperkenalkan. Ketentuan ini sangat berguna karena memungkinkan anggota Kongres untuk memaksakan perdebatan dan pemungutan suara penting mengenai penggunaan kekuatan militer dan otoritas perang Kongres oleh presiden.
